Five District Resignation (a follow-up)

The joint Civic Party and the League of Social Democrats released their De Facto Referendum logo yesterday. The logo signified unity to gain 'real universal suffrage'. Today is the deadline date of the Government's consultation on 1)expanding the CE's Election Committee to 1200 members 2) Increasing District and Functional Constituency legislator seats by 5 each.

While I have doubts as to how the Government's proposal is following the 'gradual and orderly process' principle laid down in the Basic Law, I fail to see how the De Facto Referendum assists the process of obtaining better prospects of universal suffrage. Firstly, as a movement seeking public support for 'fighting for real universal suffrage' they had barely asked the electors in their respective districts for opinions on the movement itself. Then, although they make it clear that voting is based on a particular agenda, several problems stem form this. One, electors who vote for them may not only support them based on this issue. Two, those who don't vote for them may not be against a more progressive pace to democracy. Thirdly, of course, the reactions from Beijing.

The efforts that have stemmed from the movement have been encouraging, including an informed debate questionnaire that is currently being carried out (which I heard from the radio). Participants will be directed to hear a thorough debate on the issue before filling in a questionnaire reflectively. It's important to know the argument of both sides.

And to the De Facto Referendum's credit, getting citizens to be more aware of their civil rights is a good first step, as in speaking out against inaction by the Government and half-hearted efforts of the DAB.

Democratic Lawmakers--Collective Resignation ("總辭")

Hong Kong pro-democratic parties have been pressing for unity for their current efforts of opting for a 'collective resignation approach' to press for universal suffrage by 2012.

The Civic Party gave a three stage proposal on 7 Sep, being "negotiations, reelection, and full resignation". The League of Social Democrats wants one pan-democratic legislator to resign from each of the five geographical constituencies, but is welcome to the idea of a full resignation. The Democratic Party, meanwhile, remains undecided on the issue and await an internal meeting on 27 Sep.

A recent poll by the Hong Kong Research Association reflects that Hong Kong citizens remain most dissatisfied with the legislators of League of Social Democrats, who have bottomed out in the poll. Some wonder whether it is all for show.

Thus far, constitutional reform gave way to economic recovery in the Chief Executive's Policy Address last year. The Government should adopt a more transparent front towards democratic negotiations. I remain doubtful how a collective resignation will alter the Central Government's stance on democracy after 2012. However, with frustrations of an unrepresentative legislature to start off with, and the lack of systematic dialogue on the issue, I hope these political moves will herald a more promising state of affairs.

References:
http://paper.wenweipo.com/2009/09/25/HK0909250023.htm

http://news.sina.com.hk/cgi-bin/nw/show.cgi/5/1/1/1256264/1.html

http://news.sina.com.hk/cgi-bin/nw/show.cgi/2/1/1/1272173/1.html

為什麼我不參加七一遊行

自二零零四年參加過第一次七一遊行之後, 我再沒有跟隨過那穿黑衣白衣的隊伍走上政府總部。年紀較小時，可推說是因為沒有朋友或家人一起去所以沒有動力；到中六開始修讀政府及公共事務高考課程以至出國念大學後，卻反而對遊行這種表達方式更感冷淡。

可能是由於自少受香港的功利主義和機會主義價值觀薰陶，縱然自問不會為賺錢做自己不喜歡做的事，談及政治時卻總是 "浪漫" 不起, 不得不考慮政治渠道的成本和效益。在香港行政主導的政治生態底下，我相信識多幾個做政務官的朋友，閒談間提出對政策制定或推行的提議或所屬社會團體關注的事項，一定比叫口號／靜坐絕食／與 "清場" 的保安人員發生碰撞有效得多。

況且，看著與經濟狀況成反比的遊行人數，很難不感到厭惡，很難不質疑香港人其實對 "民主" 的理解到底是怎樣的一回事；也許這種說法是 "一竹篙打沉一船人", 可是我投入不了對民主制度欠缺全面理解的爭取。

奧巴馬競選那年，來到我學校所在的州分進行拉票集會，我們一群從亞洲國家到美國唸書的學生雖然沒有投票權， 可是也乘搭了學校安排的旅遊巴出去市中心的體育館湊熱鬧，希望一睹這位政治巨星的風采。到達場館門外，大家都十分驚訝：外面寒風澟澟下著大雪，集會開始前 兩三小時已有長長的人龍在場地外 "打蛇餅"！即使一家大小有老有嫩的，也滿面期盼地在排隊等進場！與身旁的夫婦搭訕，問他們是否為了來看奧巴馬，他們說：＂四年前我們美國人投票選了一個 不太能幹的總統，現在我們有機會再以選票改變國家的局勢和命運。我應該會投票給奧巴馬，可是也總得先聽聽他的政綱，看看他是一個怎樣的人，是否有能耐做我 們的領袖。＂那一刻，還未提得起勁在香港登記做選民的我十分羨慕：我羨慕美國人能清楚認知自己的政治權利，義務和力量，也對憲法中列明的政治制度充滿信心。也難怪美國人常常要以為民主制度可以拯救世界...離題了。我想說的是，在香港市民對民主制度理智而非以個人利益出發的理解未被普及之前，在我認為各式各樣 選舉有可取的候選人出現之前，"民主"對香港，未必是祝福。

我眼中的七一

二零零四年回歸紀念日那天, 剛放暑假準備升中四的我不知就裡, 跟隨爸爸"過海"到銅鑼灣參加人生中第一次 (直到現時仍然是唯一一次) 七一遊行。還記得媽媽千叮萬囑我要不斷飲水以防中暑, 爸爸怕我在維園排隊等出發時會受烈日暴曬, 於是帶我到波斯富街 "插隊"。
在銅鑼灣廣場對出的電梯走上藍色的天橋, 我嚇呆了,眼框不由自主的湧出了淚水。放眼向灣仔望過去, 長得似是永無盡頭的軒尼詩道上沒有車, 只有穿著白衣的人潮；沒有標奇立異的口號, 橫額和花車(至少那一段人群中沒有)， 只有由擋著太陽, 揮撥紙扇的男女老幼組成的隊伍, 緩慢而堅定地朝著同一個方向步行。在香港出生和長大, 比遊行更多人的場面我見過不少；可是看見這麼多懷著相同意願的 "人"－特別是一向都 "各家自掃門前雪" 的香港人－走在一起, 倒是第一次。

原來當很多擁有相同理念的時候，會產生這麼強的力量；
原來香港人一直也擁有這種力量。

接下來數年的七一如何演變已是後話, 可是日後有人問我為什麼在大學讀政治, 問我香港的政制發展民主進程, 問我香港和中國有甚麼不同有甚麼關係, 問我香港人是怎樣的人...的時候, 我總會想起那一年七一。